LABOR
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See also entries below.
LABOR AND CAPITAL
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[Marx speaking as if to all classical political economists:] “Labor is the sole source of exchange-value and the only active creator of use-value. This is what you [correctly] say. On the other hand, you say that capital is everything, and the worker is nothing or a mere production cost of capital. You have refuted yourselves. Capital is nothing but defrauding of the worker. Labor is everything.” —Marx, TSV, 3:260.
See also: ALIENATED LABOR.
LABOR and LABOR POWER
“Labor itself, in its immediate being, in its living existence, cannot be directly
conceived as a commodity, but only labour-power, of which labor itself is the temporary
manifestation.” —Marx, TSV, 1:171.
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LABOR ARISTOCRACY
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LABOR POWER
“By labor-power or capacity for labor is to be understood the aggregate of those
mental and physical capabilities existing in a human being, which he exercises
whenever he produces a use-value of any description.” —Marx, Capital, vol. I,
ch. 6: (International, p. 167; Penguin, p. 270.) “A commodity which its possessor, the
wage-worker, sells to capital.” —Marx, “Wage Labor and Capital”, (MECW 9:202, as edited
in Engels’ 1891 edition.)
Labor power is therefore the worker’s
ability to work, which is what is sold to the capitalist for the wages received.
Labor power is not the same as labor itself, however! As everyone is aware,
once the capitalists sell the products that the workers produce, and even after paying
the workers their wages (which means the market value of their labor power), they
still have a large surplus left over from which they take their profits. The
fact that the actual labor of the workers generates this additional
surplus value beyond the workers’ wages (i.e., beyond
the value of their labor power) means that the real implicit value of their actual
labor must greatly exceed the value of what they sell to the capitalists, their
labor power. And therefore labor power and labor must be carefully distinguished
if we are to understand the source of the capitalists’ profits.
The distinction between labor power and
labor is often confusing for those new to Marxist political economy. In addition to
Chapter 6
of Volume I of Marx’s Capital, another good place to go to clear up this confusion
is to carefully read Engels’ 1891 edition of Marx’s pamphlet, “Wage Labor and Capital”
and especially Engels’ introduction where he goes into the difference between labor power
and labor quite thoroughly. This edition is available in an inexpensive paperback from
International Publishers, and available online at
http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1847/wage-labour/index.htm.
Engels’ introduction is also available separately in MECW 27:194-201.
LABOR THEORY OF VALUE
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LABRIOLA, Antonio (1843-1904)
Early Italian Marxist. [More to be added.]
LAISSEZ-FAIRE [Pronounced: “lassay fair”]
[From the French, meaning “to let people do as they please”.] The bourgeois doctrine
which opposes any governmental interference in the economy beyond that necessary to
maintain peace and sacred capitalist property rights. This was well-nigh universally
accepted by bourgeois economists in the 19th century, especially after
John Stuart Mill popularized it in his Principles
of Political Economy in 1848. However, during the imperialist era, and especially
during the Great Depression of the 1930s, much of
the bourgeoisie and many of its apologists came to appreciate that much government
intervention in the economy on behalf of the capitalists was highly desirable, and
even necessary for the continuation of capitalism. In particular
Keynesian economists argued that the capitalist economy had
to be carefully “managed”, and even the more traditional economists of the
“neo-classical synthesis” school all
recognized that the government at least needed to manage interest rates, the money supply,
and so forth. After the stablization of capitalism for a long period after World War II,
laissez-faire (in a somewhat less pure form) came back into fashion again, often under
the new name (for much the same old ideas), neo-liberalism.
It is really only with the financial crash of 2008 and the deepening crisis leading toward
the development of a new depression that bourgeois economists are once again
starting to question their doctrine of near total faith in the virtues of laissez-faire
and the “free market”.
LAO ZI [also Romanized as Lao Tzu and Lao-Tse]
(6th century BCE)
Chinese philosopher and sage, the original source of Taoism.
Lao Zi (which literally means “the old master”) inspired the semi-religious Taoist book
Tao-te-Ching (“The Way of Power”) which was compiled some 300 years after his
death, and which teaches self-sufficiency, simplicity and detachment. From the Marxist
standpoint, Lao Zi is of interest mostly because of the primitive, but intriguing,
dialectics that he put forward, and also his faith in the people. For example, consider
this fine statement attributed to him, which sounds very much like the Maoist
mass line:
“Go to the people.
Live with them.
Learn from them...
Start with what they know;
Build with what they have.
But with the best leaders,
When the work is done,
The task accomplished,
The people will say,
We have done this ourselves!”
LAW OF VALUE
“We see then that that which determines the magnitude of the value of any article
is the amount of labor socially necessary, or the labor-time socially necessary for
its production.” —Marx, Capital, vol. I, sect. 1: (International, 1967, p.
39; Penguin, p. 129).
LEIBNIZ, Gottfried Wilhelm (1646-1716)
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See also:
MONADS, and
Philosophical doggerel
about Leibniz.
LENIN, V. I. (1870-1924)
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LEVERAGE (In financial speculation)
Arranging things so that a given amount of speculative investment will return as much
as a considerably larger investment normally would require. This usually involves using
borrowed money to amplify a personal investment. If a speculator is investing $10,000 of
his own money and $90,000 of borrowed money then his return will be ten times what it
would otherwise be (less the cost of borrowing the $90,000). Of course any losses
would also be amplified by a factor of ten!
LEXICAL SEMANTICS
The branch of linguistics concerned with determining the meaning of words, and with
developing the appropriate scientific techniques for doing this.
LIBERALISM (Classical sense)
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LIBERALISM (Maoist sense)
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LIBERALISM (U.S. bourgeois political sense)
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LIFE — Origin Of
Specific details surrounding the origin of life are appropriate to the sciences of chemistry
and biology, and not revolutionary science. But, as materialists we view the origin of
life as having been of necessity a natural process, based originally on natural chemical
and physical processes.
“With regard to the origin of life, therefore, up to the present, natural science is only able to say with certainty that it must have been the result of chemical action.” —Engels, Anti-Dühring (1878), MECW 25:68.
LINGUISTIC PHILOSOPHY
The school of philosophy popular in the English-speaking world in the 20th century that
holds that many or most (or even all) philosophical problems derive from confusion about the
use of words, and are thus resolved by careful analysis of the real meaning of words and
phrases. Since they take this as a given they studiously avoid all discussion of the major
philosophical questions which philosophers have argued about throughout history, and which
their method seems to have little of relevance to say about.
Wittgenstein’s later philosophy was the main impetus for this school.
“LIQUIDITY TRAP”
A term originated by Keynes and used by Keynesian-influenced
bourgeois economists to describe the situation in an economic crisis where it is
impossible to lower interest rates so as to increase the demand for loans (and thus
expand economic activity). This can occur either because the prevailing interest rates are
already as low as they can go (approaching zero), or else because the increase in the money
supply by the central bank does not result in a fall in the prevailing interest
rates for some other reason, but instead merely an addition to the idle funds of the banks
or holders of the money. (Keynes’ explanation for this second possibility within the context
of bourgeois economics is vague at best and neoclassical
bourgeois economists deny that it can actually happen. But clearly in a crisis the holders
of money often do refuse to lend it or invest it because they fear losing it.) Thus
describing a situation as a liquidity trap is simply an obscure way of saying that
standard “monetary policy” has become ineffective.
Clear examples of “liquidity traps” or
periods when monetary policy has utterly failed include the First Great Depression (of the
1930s), Japan during the 1990s and since then, and the U.S. economy starting in the autumn of
2008 when the Federal Reserve cut the interest rate it charges banks to essentially zero as
the initial financial crisis of the developing Second Great Depression began to take
hold.
Marxist economists avoid the term
“liquidity trap” because it reflects confused Keynesian bourgeois notions and does not
really clarify the actual situation. It makes far more sense to simply note that the
capitalists stop investing and stop loaning money when they are afraid of losing it — i.e.,
in a major financial crisis associated with an overproduction crisis — and therefore
lowering interest rates, even to near zero, soon loses its effectiveness.
LIU Shaoqi (Oldstyle: LIU Shao-ch’i) (1898-1969)
High ranking member of the Chinese Communist Party who during the period of socialism was
the leader of those in the Party taking the capitalist road toward the restoration of
capitalism in China. He was overthrown by the Maoist revolutionaries during the
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.
Liu was born in Hunan Province to a
moderately rich, land-owning peasant family. He was educated in Changsha and Shanghai
(where he learned Russian). In 1921-22 he went to study in Moscow, and while there joined
the newly-formed CCP. He returned to China and became a labor organizer in Shanghai. His
orientation was always more toward the cities than the countryside. He was elected to the
CCP Politburo in 1934 and became its expert on matters of organization and Party structure.
In 1939 he wrote his notorious book on “self-cultivation”, How to Be a Good Communist.
In 1943 he became Secretary General of the Party, then Vice-Chairman in 1949. While Mao was
still Chairman of the CCP, Liu became Chairman of the People’s Republic of China in 1958
(i.e., head of state).
Liu advocated and did his best to institute
all sorts of “reforms” tending in the direction of restoring capitalism, such as promoting
production above political consciousness; financial incentives and bonuses (as opposed to
moral incentives); easing of the restrictions on the market economy (rather than tightening
them and steadily restricting the “law of value”); promoting
rewards for “loyal cadres” and special treatment for the children of high Party officials;
and, in general, promotion of a new privileged strata within the Party and State. As the
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution developed in the late 1960s Liu led the sly and
semi-camouflaged resistence to it. This had the effect of more and more turning the GPCR
against him and his minions as its primary target. In 1967 Liu was informally removed
from power, and in October 1968 he was formally “expelled from the Party forever, and
stripped of all his positions in and outside the CCP.” He died in November 1969 while
under house-arrest back in Hunan. In 1980 he was “rehabilitated” by Deng
Xiaoping’s gang of revisionists who seized control of the CCP after Mao’s death in
1976.
A sympathetic bourgeois biographer,
Lowell Dittmer, said of him: “Liu’s life may be viewed as an attempt to combine order with
revolution and equality with economic efficiency and technocratic values.” But for Liu
“order” meant a turn toward bourgeois rule, “equality” meant an end to class struggle, and
“efficiency and technocratic values” meant the capitalist marketplace. Liu Shaoqi was
not a personal opportunist; he was quite sincere and dedicated in his advocacy of
revisionism. He was all the more insidious and dangerous
to the cause of communist revolution because of this.
LOCKE, John (1632-1704)
English empiricist philosopher. He was a proponent of the idealist notion of
“natural rights” in ethics and politics, and was a major
influence on those who founded the United States.
Locke also wrote on political economy, and
as Marx said, “championed the new bourgeoisie in every way, taking the side of the
industrialists against the working class and against the paupers, the merchants against the
old-fashioned usurers, the financial aristocracy against the governments that were in debt,
and he even demonstrated in one of his books that the bourgeois way of thinking was the
normal one for human beings.” [Marx, quoted in an appendix to TSV, 3:592.]
See also:
Philosophical doggerel about
Locke.
LOGIC
Logic is usually defined to be the rules of valid inference or the rules and nature of
reasoning. However, if you look at the dominant areas of discussion in books of logic, you
will find that they usually only discuss the rules and nature of reasoning insofar as
these are related to deduction. Actually deductive logic (or
“formal logic”) is only one small part of what should “logically” be called logic. Other
important areas of logic in the broad sense that usually receive scant attention include
analogic logic (the logic of making analogies), and most important of all,
dialectical logic.
LOGIC—Formal
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“[T]he many books which have been and are still being written on logic provide abundant proof that here, too, final and ultimate truths are much more sparsely sown than some people believe.” —Engels, Anti-Dühring (1878), MECW 25:84.
LOGICAL POSITIVISM
An extreme form of empiricism that holds that only statements
which can be verified empirically have meaning, from which they assume that it follows that
all metaphysics, religion, and even ethical principles are “meaningless”, and therefore
neither true nor false. (They failed to notice that their very statement of this
verifiability principle was also meaningless according to the principle
itself!) Logical positivism has been extremely influential in the 20th century
among bourgeois scientists.
See also:
VIENNA CIRCLE
LONG CYCLES or LONG WAVES
This refers to hypothesized long-term economic cycles or waves, substantially longer than
the length of the standard industrial cycle that Marx
described. The most well-known of these theories is Kondratiev
Waves, but there is now a more plausible split-cycle
theory for the imperialist era.
See also:
ECONOMIC CYCLES.
LONGUET, Jean (1876-1938)
A reformist leader of the French Socialist Party and the Second International. He was a
“social-chauvinist” during World War I and supported the French bourgeoisie, which brought
about Lenin’s condemnation.
LUKACS, Georg [György] [Family name pronounced: “Loo-kawch”] (1885-1971)
Lukács was a Hungarian revisionist philosopher and literary critic. [More to be added...]
LUTHER, Martin (1483-1546)
German reformer, founder of Protestantism (and Lutheranism specifically) in Germany. He
strongly supported the wealthy burghers (“middle class” citizens), noblemen and princes
against the peasants and poor townspeople during the Peasant War of 1524-25.
LYING
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See also:
CATEGORICAL IMPERATIVE.
LYSENKO, Trofim Denisovich (1898-1976)
Soviet agronomist, and later the top government official for the genetic sciences
in the Soviet Union. During the agricultural crisis of the early 1930s (due to the
mishandling of agricultural collectivization by Stalin), he came to prominence for spreading
good crop management techniques among the peasants. He borrowed and promoted the discovery
that the phases of plant growth can be accelerated via short doses of low temperatures and
moisture controls applied to the seeds and young plants. But he went on to claim, without
good scientific evidence, that these benefits also became “acquired characteristics” which
were then passed on to future plant generations. In this he was applying the erroneous
genetic theories of the early French naturalist Jean Lamarck (1744-1829) and the Russian
horticulturalist Ivan Michurin.
Thereafter Lysenko rapidly rose in the ranks
of Soviet agricultural management because he was saying things that the Soviet government
wanted to hear—that there were some easy technical ways to drastically improve agricultural
production. (See LYSENKOISM entry below.) Lysenko was the director
of the Institute of Genetics of the Soviet Academy of Sciences from 1940 to 1965, where he
formally denounced Mendelian genetics. In 1948 Stalin’s backing ended virtually all
opposition to Lysenko and his theories. After Stalin’s death in 1953 Lysenko’s power fell,
but increased again under Khrushchev until both of them were removed from power in 1965.
There is a telling little story about
Lysenko; it is said that he posed the following question on several occasions to the
scientific workers at what was later called the Englehardt Institute of Molecular Biology
in the Soviet Union: “What is DNA?” (That was indeed a question he sorely needed the answer
to!)
LYSENKOISM
This is a term that has come to mean something like letting political wishful
thinking triumph over scientific fact, or even letting politics dominate and determine
what scientific truth “actually is”.
In the Soviet Union under Stalin and
Khrushchev, the agronomist Trofim Lysenko (see above) propagated a quack theory of genetics
based on the supposed inheritance of acquired characteristics. However, even before
the discovery of the central role of DNA in inheritance, the science of biology (and
genetics specifically) had determined that (at least normally) there is no such thing as
the inheritance of acquired characteristics. The giraffe’s neck is long not because its
ancestors stretched theirs during their lifetimes, but because the ancestors with naturally
longer necks survived, while those with shorter necks died before they could reproduce.
(Counterpoint: Recent research seems to show that there really are some exceptional
circumstances where there can be some inheritance of acquired characteristics, as with
certain bacteria, but the fact remains that even if this is so it is only in highly
atypical situations.) There were prominent geneticists in the Soviet Union who knew this
full well, such as Nikolai Vavilov, and who were persecuted and sometimes imprisoned for
their Mendelian views by Lysenko and the Soviet government. (Vavilov himself was arrested
in 1940 and is said to have died of starvation in a Siberian labor camp around 1943.)
Lysenko was welcome to his own opinions about genetics, but the persecution of those who
disagreed with him was the crime, which was made much worse by the support of Stalin (and
later Khrushchev) and the force of the state.
It is not entirely clear, however, how much
direct damage Lysenko and his theories actually did to Soviet agriculture, though certainly
there was some significant damage over the long run due to his disruption of genetic
research. There were many other problems in agriculture, some of them probably much more
important. For example, the brutal “top-down” method of agricultural collectivization
carried out by Stalin in the 1930s led to the death of many peasants, the destruction
of much of the livestock and to serious crop shortages. The continuing failure to use
the mass line to mobilize the peasants to work in their own
collective interests remained a major obstacle to the expansion of agricultural production.
And insufficient industrial support was also given to agriculture over a period of decades.
Unfortunately the Lysenko episode has led
to some widespread invalid conclusions, even among some Marxists, such as that any
“government interference” in science is unjustified, and that scientists and other experts
should be basically unrestricted in their activities. Of course any government will
appropriately promote and fund those scientists and those theories which it has confidence
in. And any government would be within its rights to restrict certain kinds of experiments
or technologies for which there is good reason to believe that there are serious potential
dangers for the people. Moreover, a socialist government in particular, will certainly
find it necessary to criticize bourgeois ideas that scientists, just as any other segment
of society, may still promote.
However, it is true that socialist society
should also allow, especially in the natural sciences, “a hundred flowers to bloom, and a
hundred schools of thought to content” (as Mao poetically put it). In looking at the
experience of socialism in both the Soviet Union and China it seems clear that overall
there was not enough freedom of thought and expression in the sciences, nor was
there sufficient allowance (and even encouragement!) of new and minority ideas and
views. On the other hand it, it was certainly necessary and correct to strongly criticize
views and theories insofar as they had a bourgeois ideological component, and sometimes
this was also insufficient! Of course this will generally be much more central and
important in the social sciences than in the natural sciences.
See also:
INSTRUMENTALISM.
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