“Members of a bourgeois political grouping in France during the period of the Restoration (1815-30). As constitutional monarchists and rabid enemies of the democratic and revolutionary movement, they aimed to create in France a bloc of the bourgeoisie and landed aristocracy after the English fashion. The most celebrated of the Doctrinaires were Guizot, a historian, and Royer-Collard, a philosopher. Their views constituted a reaction in the field of philosophy against the French materialism of the 18th century and the democratic ideas of the French bourgeois revolution.” —Note 11, LCW 38:565.
The body of principles in a branch of knowledge or system of belief. Note that the word ‘doctrine’ is not in itself pejorative in most contexts; all systems of knowledge or belief have doctrines, including Marxism. (Compare this with the word ‘doctrinaire’ which means dogmatic, and is definitely pejorative!)
“Our doctrine—said Engels, referring to himself and his famous friend—is not a dogma, but a guide to action. This classical statement stresses with remarkable force and expressiveness that aspect of Marxism which is very often lost sight of. And by losing sight of it, we turn Marxism into something one-sided, distorted and lifeless; we deprive it of its life blood; we undermine its basic theoretical foundations—dialectics, the doctrine of historical development, all-embracing and full of contradictions; we undermine its connection with the definite practical tasks of the epoch, which may change with every new turn of history.” —Lenin, “Certain Features of the Historical Development of Marxism” (Dec. 23, 1910), LCW 17:39.
“DOCTRINE OF THE TWO BOOKS”
The view, originating with Galileo, that there are “two books” which should guide our thinking—the book of Scripture (the Bible) and the book of Nature (the study of the natural world).
Christina of Lorraine, the mother of the Grand Duke of Tuscany who ruled that realm, had expressed her worries that Galileo’s views (such as that the Earth and the planets went around the Sun) conflicted with the revealed word of God. Galileo responded to her by letter in 1615, and argued that the book of nature and the book of Scripture can never truly disagree since they both come from the same source—God Himself. Therefore, if there is an apparent conflict between the two it can only be because we do not properly understand the one book or the other. Galileo went on to agree that where there is no scientific proof to the contrary we should accept the authority of the Scriptures, understood in their most simple and direct way. However, if we do possess scientific proof of something which the Bible seems to disagree with, we must reinterpret the Bible. Otherwise the Church would end up discrediting itself by contradicting manifest truth.
This sort of argument was necessary in the face of the theocratic rule that dominated Europe at the time, and which had already burned people at the stake for disagreeing with it about whether the Bible expresses the full and complete truth about the world (such as Giordano Bruno in the year 1600). But Galileo was being disingenuous here by presenting science as the final authority when science and religion disagree. And, indeed, that point of view ultimately leads to the total rejection of the Bible and religion, since even the most central dogma of religion—that God, a spiritual entity without material form, exists—itself conflicts with more modern science (specifically cognitive psychology). If you argue that science trumps religion, as indeed it does, then you must end up dumping religion entirely.
While Galileo was forced to argue in this way about the supposed validity of the two books, a similar point of view has been argued in more recent times without even the expedient necessity that Galileo faced. Stephen Jay Gould, for example, disgraced himself by arguing that there are two independent “magisteria”, as he called them, the scientific and the religious, which supposedly have no “right” to poach on each other’s territory. A ridiculous assertion in this day and age, and a disgusting concession to ancient superstition!
See also: RELIGION—Versus Science
The blind, totally uncritical acceptance and promotion of a doctrine or set of principles without any consideration of new evidence or changed circumstances and actual conditions. It is the approach of those who refuse to think about what they are saying and doing, let alone to really try to improve upon it, and who are instead determined to merely slavishly follow some previously estabished system of dogma as they understand it, come what may. Dogmatism is very common in religion, especially of the fundamentalist varieties. When it appears within politics, and even within Marxism, it is religious approach to politics, and is totally out of keeping with the scientific method of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Mao, and the other creators of our revolutionary science of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
It is true, however, that the experience of the world proletarian revolutionary movement has amply demonstrated, over and over, that the even bigger danger than dogmatism is revisionism—the totally invalid revision of revolutionary Marxism in the direction of pro-capitalism and bourgeois ideology. Thus the scientific approach to revolutionary Marxism is the rather narrow path between these two kinds of serious errors. If we keep the revolutionary interests of the working class and masses firmly in mind at all times we should be able to stay on this path, and to soon correct any errors we ourselves might make along the way.
“In this way, however, the whole dogmatic content of the Hegelian system is
declared to be absolute truth, in contradiction to his dialectical method, which dissolves
all dogmatism.” —Engels, criticizing Hegel for his dogmatism and inconsistency, Ludwig
Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy, Chapter 1, online at:
[We draw attention here to the marvelous insight by Engels—that a true appreciation for dialectics, and its conscious and continuous employment—is the best way to overcome tendencies toward dogmatism! —Ed.]
“It is not hard for one to do a bit of good. What is hard is to do good all one’s life and never do anything bad.” —Mao Zedong, quoted in Peking Review, Vol. 10, #2, Jan. 6, 1967, p. 8.
DONG Zhongshu [Old style: TUNG Chung-shu] (179-104 BCE)
Ancient Chinese philosopher of the Han Dynasty, who was a Taoist and well-known exponent of Confucianism.
See also: TAOISM [Mao quote]
[Intro to be added...]
See also: UNCERTAINTY, SKEPTICISM
“Doubting is correct; doubting everything is not.” —Mao, note in the margin of his copy of the book by Marxist philosopher Ai Siqi, Philosophy and Life. [Nick Knight, ed., Mao Zedong on Dialectical Materialism (1990), p. 237.]
DOUGLASS, Frederick (1818-1895)
[Born: Frederick Bailey; changed his name to Frederick Douglass in 1838 after escaping from slavery, and in order to avoid being recaptured.] A great American fighter against slavery and the oppression of African-Americans, who was also very progressive in his early and determined support for women’s equality. He also worked for full equality for all other people, including Native Americans and recent immigrants to the U.S. Through his powerful speeches and writings, including in his own newspapers such as the Northern Star, Douglass did as much as any one person to end slavery in the United States.
Although Douglass described himself as being in favor of “reform” rather than revolution, his ideas about what it would take to win the abolition of slavery and the other major reforms he championed recognized full well the probable necessity of the use of violence. He was associated with John Brown and his raid on Harpers Ferry in 1859 and had to temporarily flee to Canada and then Great Britain. During the Civil War he, along with other Abolitionists, put great pressure on President Lincoln to formally turn the war into a war for the end of slavery—which Lincoln eventually did with his Emancipation Proclamation in 1863. Douglass also recruited Black troops for the Union army and strongly encouraged Lincoln to make better use of Black soldiers during the war.
After the Civil War Douglass continued his work in support of civil rights for African-Americans. He was also appointed to several government positions including de facto ambassador to Haiti in 1887. But he later resigned that post after a clash with the Benjamin Harrison administration over its attempt to annex a Haitian port to serve as a U.S. naval base. This was an early example of the resistence within American society to the signs of the development of modern U.S. capitalist-imperialism.
See also the extensive article about Frederick Douglass in the Wikipedia and: UNITED FRONT [Douglass quote]
“Let me give you a word of the philosophy of reform. The whole history
of the progress of human liberty shows that all concessions yet made to her august claims,
have been born of earnest struggle. The conflict has been exciting, agitating, all-absorbing,
and for the time being, putting all other tumults to silence. It must do this or it does
nothing. If there is no struggle, there is no progress. Those who profess to favor freedom,
and yet depreciate agitation, are men who want crops without plowing up the ground. They
want rain without thunder and lightning. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its
many waters. This struggle may be a moral one; or it may be a physical one; or it may be
both moral and physical; but it must be a struggle. Power concedes nothing without a demand.
It never did and it never will. Find out just what any people will quietly submit to, and
you have found out the exact amount of injustice and wrong which will be imposed upon them;
and these will continue till they are resisted with either words or blows, or with both. The
limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress. [...] Men
might not get all they work for in this world, but they must certainly work for all they get.
If we ever get free from the oppressions and wrongs heaped upon us, we must pay for their
removal. We must do this by labor, by suffering, by sacrifice, and if needs be, by our lives
and the lives of others.”
—Frederick Douglass, in a magnificent and profound statement, frequently quoted in shorter extracts, from his speech, “Address on West India Emancipation”, delivered at Canandaigua, New York, on Aug. 3 (or perhaps Aug. 4), 1857; included in Philip S. Foner, ed., The Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass (1950), vol. 2, p. 437.
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