Dictionary of Revolutionary Marxism

—   Mad - Mam   —

[From Arabic, but also a common loan word in many other languages:] A school or academy. Any type of school, whether secular or religious, and from the elementary level through the university level, may be called a madrasah. However, as the term is commonly used in the West, the implication is that these are Islamic religious schools.

MAGDOFF, “Harry” [Henry Samuel]   (1913-2006)
Long-time co-editor (with
Paul Sweezy) of the important socialist magazine Monthly Review, and author or co-author of a number of books. He was trained as an economist and held several positions in the Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Truman administrations, before being blackballed for his radical ideas. He was also accused by Richard Nixon of spying for the Soviet Union.
        Magdoff wrote several books on U.S. imperialism, including The Age of Imperialism (1969) which was very influential within the developing new revolutionary movement in the U.S. at the time. Along with Sweezy he also wrote a number of essays and books putting forward the blend of Marxism and Keynesianism which was characteristic of the Monthly Review School of political economy.



“Trust the majority of the cadres and the masses. This is essential.” —Mao, during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (June 29, 1967), SW 9:416.

MAJUMDAR, Charu   (1918-72)

MAKHNO, Nestor   (1888-1934)
The most prominent leader of the anarchist movement and army in southern Ukraine during the period of the Russian Civil War. Makhno was a commander of the peasant-based Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine, more popularly known as the Anarchist Black Army, which engaged in fairly large scale guerrilla warfare during 1918-21. Makhno and the anarchists were opposed to all forms of government, even one imposing the rule of the working class and peasantry. At different times Makhno supported the Bolsheviks against the Tsarist White armies, then the Ukrainian Directorate [a provisional peasant nationalist regime formed in 1918], the Bolsheviks again against the Whites, and then fought against the Bolsheviks in an attempt to organize a utopian anarchist society called the Free Territory of Ukraine. When the Bolsheviks gained the upper hand Machno fled into exile in France.

MALINOVSKY, Alexander A.   (1873-1928)
Alexander BOGDANOV

MALINOVSKY, Roman Vatslavovich   (1876-1918)
A prominent trade union organizer, elected Bolshevik member to the Russian Duma [parliament], member of the Bolshevik Central Committee, and the highest paid spy for the Tsarist secret police, the notorious
        Malinovsky had a dubious life right from an early age. Born into a Roman Catholic peasant family in Russian Poland, he was orphaned while quite young and turned to petty crime to survive. According to the Wikipedia, in 1899—at the age of about 23—he was convicted of theft, rape and burglary. We doubt if his lumpen criminal background was known to the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP) when he began associating with them after his jail term and a 4-year enlistment in the Russian army. (If it was, they definitely should have been much more cautious about him.)
        In 1906 Malinovsky was working as a lathe operator at a factory in St. Petersburg, and also was a talented labor organizer for the Metalworkers Union and joined the RSDLP. He was arrested by the Okhrana in 1909 and expelled from St. Petersburg. He and his family then moved to Moscow where he was arrested again in 1910. This time, he accepted a deal with the Okhrana. For both his freedom and a fairly substantial monthly salary (for the times) he became a agent for the Okhrana, with instructions to further develop his ties with the RSDLP and especially the Bolshevik faction. It is said that using information that Malinovsky provided, the Okhrana not only learned the real names of many party members, the locations of party meetings, locations of storage places for party literature, etc., but “was able to curtail almost all meaningful Social Democratic activity in Moscow during 1910 and 1911.” Malinovsky also provided the information to locate and arrest several important Bolsheviks which led to their exile to Siberia, including Grigory Ordzhonikidze, Joseph Stalin and Yakov Sverdlov.
        In January 1912 Malinovsky showed up at the Sixth Party Conference which Lenin had called in Prague, even though he was not an authorized delegate. Lenin knew of him because of his good reputation in labor organization work and, supposedly, was also impressed by his forceful personality. Lenin therefore proposed that Malinovsky be elected to the Central Committee and also suggested that he would be a good candidate for election to the next Duma as a representative of the Moscow workers. “Backed by both the police and the party, Malinovsky was duly elected in October 1912.” [Carter Elwood] In the Duma Malinovsky was a “surprisingly eloquent” speaker and spokesman for the Bolshevik viewpoint. He also used his immunity as a Duma member to raise funds for the Bolsheviks, to establish and promote its legal newspapers and publishing operation, and so forth. (However, he also served on the party commission set up to find and expose police agents in the party ranks!) Because of Malinovsky’s considerable agitational effectiveness for the Bolsheviks, and his other work for the party, the Okhrana became alarmed by the role he was playing. Consequently they ordered him to resign his Duma seat, which he then did.
        However, this unauthorized resignation—as far as the Bolsheviks were concerned—and the obvious violation of party discipline, immediately raised some serious questions about Malinovsky, and was a major embarrassment for the Bolsheviks. Apparently it was the Menshevik leader Julius Martov who in 1913 first condemned Malinovsky as a Tsarist spy. Lenin refused to believe this at the time, but after his resignation from the Duma Malinovsky was removed from his positions in the party and also expelled as a party member. Malinovsky had been ordered by the Okhrana to help widen the split between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, which he did. However, this meant that accusations coming from the Mensheviks of spying for the Tsarist regime tended to sound like mere anti-Bolshevik partisanship. Moreover, in Lenin’s view, the harsh line against the Mensheviks that Malinovsky took was more than justified. These things probably account for Lenin’s reluctance to totally condemn Malinovsky at first.
        One source claims that after his exposure Malinovsky fled to Germany, and when World War I broke out he was interned in a POW camp there. Another source says that he was in the Russian army again during the war, and was wounded and captured by the Germans in 1915 and then held in a POW camp. Either way, after the war and the Bolshevik Revolution, Malinovsky returned to Russia, and under a false name even tried to take part in the Petrograd Soviet! But Grigory Zinoviev recognized him, and he was arrested and put on trial as a traitor to the revolution. Lenin is said to have briefly attended the trial but did not testify, and left muttering “What a swine he was!” Malinovsky was found guilty and executed.
        One further note about the Malinovsky affair: It has been claimed by some modern commentators that Malinovsky actually was a double agent, and had been secretly working with Lenin all along. But there is no evidence for this at all, even in the newly available files after the collapse of the Soviet Union. And it makes no sense that Lenin would have participated in the serious disruption of the party work in Moscow that Malinovsky enabled. This theory probably comes about because Malinovsky really did seem to be somewhat politically schizoid, simultaneously and conscientiously working for both the Bolsheviks and for the Okhrana.

“In our case... the rapid alternation of legal and illegal work, which made it necessary to keep the general staff—the leaders—under cover and to cloak them in the greatest secrecy, sometimes gave rise to extremely dangerous consequences. The worst of these was that in 1912 the agent provocateur Malinovsky got into the Bolshevik Central Committee. He betrayed scores and scores of the best and most loyal comrades, caused them to be sentenced to penal servitude, and hastened the death of many of them. That he did not cause still greater harm was due to the correct balance between legal and illegal work. As member of the Party’s Central Committee and Duma deputy, Malinovsky was forced, in order to gain our confidence, to help us establish legal daily papers, which even under tsarism were able to wage a struggle against the Menshevik opportunism and to spread the fundamentals of Bolshevism in a suitably disguised form. While, on the one hand, Malinovsky sent scores and scores of the finest Bolsheviks to penal servitude and death, he was obliged, with the other, to assist in the education of scores and scores of thousands of new Bolsheviks through the medium of the legal press.” —Lenin, “Left-Wing” Communism—An Infantile Disorder (April-May 1920), LCW 31:45-46.

“Malinovsky was a prisoner of war in Germany. On his return to Russia when the Bolsheviks were in power he was instantly put on trial and shot by our workers. The Mensheviks attacked us most bitterly for our mistake—the fact that an agent provocateur had become a member of the Central Committee of our Party. But when, under Kerensky, we demanded the arrest and trial of Rodzyanko, the Chairman of the Duma, because he had known, even before the war, that Malinovsky was an agent provocateur and had not informed the Trudoviks and the workers in the Duma, neither the Mensheviks nor the Socialist-Revolutionaries in the Kerensky government supported our demand, and Rodzyanko remained at large and made off unhindered to join Denikin.” —Lenin, ibid. (footnote on same page).

MALTHUS, Thomas Robert   (1766-1834)
English cleric and economist. He was an ideologist of the landed aristocracy which had become merged with the bourgeoisie and an apologist for capitalism. His famous (and erroneous) theory that the population would always expand to the point that the masses would be driven down to the bare subsistence level was put forward to explain away the qualitatively increased misery that the development of capitalism was causing in Britain. In his economic writings he tended to plagiarize others, especially

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