The modified (further distorted) Consumer Price Index, which (as of early 2013) the U.S. government is about to begin using. This method of calculating the CPI allows the overt substitution of cheaper goods for more expensive ones in order to falsely claim that consumer prices are not rising nearly as fast as they actually are. The official excuse for doing this is that the substituted goods are supposedly “equivalent” in their use or function.
The CPI is calculated by comparing the price of a basket (or specific set) of commodities at one time to the price of that same basket of commodities at a previous time. However, the “chained CPI” destroys the entire validity of this technique by allowing different, cheaper, goods to be substituted for some of the goods in that basket during the second measurement. If, for example, a pound of steak was included in the first basket, a pound of hamburger might be deemed “equivalent” to it in the second basket, thus hiding the fact that the price of meat has rapidly increased.
This is just one of many ways in which official government economic statistics are purposefully and systematically distorted in order to make them look much better than they really are.
See also: ECONOMIC STATISTICS—Distortion Of
CHANGE — Dialectics Of
“New things come from old things which change and develop. But how
do things in general change? People familiar with Marxist dialectics of course know that
change takes place through qualitative leaps. In other
words the dialectical view is not that something develops gradually and evenly from one
thing into another, but that at some point there is a sudden transition, a leap, a
revolution. This is true not only in human thought and society, but in nature as well,
such as in the change of water to steam as it is heated. But the point I want to emphasize
here is that this is not the whole story about change.
“(Generally it is necessary to give special emphasis to the importance of dialectical leaps when talking to people about change and development. That is because most people in present society are not used to looking at things this way. But with my present intended audience I assume this first essential characteristic of change is already well understood and completely obvious. That is why I am putting the emphasis here on the other important characteristic of change.)
“While qualitative leaps are the essence of change, there is also the aspect of gradual development leading up to those qualitative leaps. Water, for example, does not make the sudden transition to steam unless it has first been gradually heated up from room temperature to the boiling point. Now it is true that if you look at the preliminary gradual process in a detailed enough way, you will find that it also is composed of many small leaps. In the case of the gradually heated water what is going on at a very fine level is the sudden qualitative leap in the acquisition of energy by individual water molecules as they come in contact with the energetic (heated) surface of the tea kettle (or with other, hotter, water molecules). Thus ultimately all change does seem to take the form of dialectical leaps. But nevertheless, from the point of view of the overall process, a large series of very small subsidiary qualitative leaps takes on the appearance of gradual development. It is almost as bad to fail to recognize this as it is to fail to see that this gradual development must lead to a qualitative change if there is to be any fundamental change in the overall situation.
“Change is a matter of gradual development leading up to, and preparing the ground for, sudden transition. Thus any intelligent effort to bring about change must not only recognize that a sudden transition or revolution is necessary at some point (though that is the first element of wisdom), but that also the ground must be prepared for that revolution through a period of gradual development. To rationally work to bring about a change is therefore primarily to concern yourself with fostering the gradual development that must inevitably occur before the necessary sudden leap is possible.
“Politically, there is the phenomenon of individuals who long for social revolution with all their heart and soul, but who are too impatient to do the actual work necessary to prepare the ground for revolution. Because they are so impatient, they abandon the dialectical outlook on change, focus entirely on the need for a sudden transition, and down-play the effort needed to lay the necessary ground work.
“Such extreme impatience even leads people to revise their revolutionary theory to fit their subjective desires. ‘Winning the masses takes time, therefore maybe it is not necessary to win the masses, or maybe it is only necessary to win a small number of the masses...’ In such a way are the impatient pushed away from the masses, away from mass revolution, away from Marxism and toward ‘left’ adventurism or even putschism.
“‘Organizing the masses takes time, therefore maybe it is not necessary to organize the masses, maybe we can just suppose that when push comes to shove the masses will spontaneously organize themselves for revolution...’ In such a way are the impatient pushed toward a form of anarchism and aloofness from the masses (even if they still recognize the importance of a vanguard party).
“‘Participating with the masses in their day-to-day struggle in order to raise their revolutionary consciousness is too big a job, therefore maybe it is not necessary, maybe it is really only a kind of reformism dressed up as revolutionary preparations; maybe the masses do not really need to learn through their own experiences, and maybe we do not need to be there with them to help them with this summation...’ In such a way does Marxism get turned into a sort of ‘leftist’ preaching, or a form of evangelism.
“‘Preparing for revolution takes time and effort, therefore maybe it is not necessary to make extensive preparations, maybe the masses are almost ready to go right now, maybe the revolution could break out any day...’ In such a way do the impatient lose the ability to appraise the objective situation, and start to lose contact with reality. This leads to constant predictions of revolution ‘within this decade’, or ‘within a couple years’, or even ‘within a few months’—which in turn leads to demoralization when the subjective predictions do not materialize.
“Extreme impatience can thus lead to ultra-‘leftism’ in various guises, and to a distortion of Marxism.
“Impatience can be a good thing or a bad thing. If impatience with the present despicable bourgeois world turns us into revolutionaries, and gets us working toward bringing about revolution, it is of course a very good thing. But if that impatience gets out of hand and leads us into the renunciation of Marxism and the only real path to revolution, it is a very bad thing. We should be impatient, but we should not let it make us crazy.” —Scott Harrison, The Mass Line and the American Revolutionary Movement, Chapter 31 (excerpt), online at: http://www.massline.info/mlms/mlch31.htm
CHANGE — Sudden
Virtually all major natural and social processes and developments occur through periods of relatively long and gradual changes leading up to comparatively sudden and major qualitative changes. Often these periods of gradual and sudden change alternate. Why this unevenness? It is because change, when viewed as a single overall process, is actually composed of many different smaller changes and subprocesses, each of which is governed by laws appropriate to its own particular contradictions. Or, in other words, some of the subprocesses proceed at one speed, others at a different speed. And those which proceed quite fast are for relatively longer periods held up by those among the prerequisite changes and subprocesses which proceed more slowly.
Some changes must necessarily occur very rapidly. This is perhaps most obvious in natural science. Chemical changes often happen extremely fast—and not just in the case of explosions! Sub-atomic particle interactions generally happen even faster, in tiny fractions of a nanosecond! (On the other hand, even there all physical changes take some amount of time; strictly speaking, there is actually no such thing as “instantaneous change”.)
But even in human society some changes must be brought about quite rapidly if they are to be successful at all. There is an apocryphal story that illustrates this: Some country or other once decided (for whatever reason) to switch over its roads so that instead of driving on the left side of the road, people would drive their vehicles on the right side of the road. Supposedly some government official told the public not to worry about the switchover, because “the change will take place gradually”. In reality, of course, that would be the very worst way to try to do it! It would be much more sensible to say, for example, that as of 2 a.m. on some very quiet Sunday morning all traffic will be required to simultaneously change from driving on the left to driving on the right. Many of the major steps in social revolution must likewise be carried out very rapidly if they are to be successful. Certainly this is true of revolutionary insurrection, for example.
See also: PHILANTHROPY
“There are, in every country, some magnificent charities established by individuals. It is, however, but little that any individual can do, when the whole extent of the misery to be relieved is considered. He may satisfy his conscience, but not his heart. He may give all that he has, and that all will relieve but little. It is only by organizing civilization upon such principles as to act like a system of pulleys, that the whole weight of misery can be removed.... It ought not to be left to the choice of detached individuals whether they will do justice or not.” —Tom Paine, “Agrarian Justice” (1795), in Michael Foot & Isaac Kramnick, eds., The Thomas Paine Reader (1987), p. 403.
CHARTER OF THE ANSHAN IRON AND STEEL COMPANY — Mao’s Note On
An important note written by Mao Zedong in March 1960 on a report by the Anshan City Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. This note became in effect the fundamental law for running China’s socialist enterprises during the Mao era. It took into account the lessons from the economic construction in the Soviet Union, as well as the experience in China, and formulated these fundamental principles: Keep politics firmly in command; strengthen Party leadership; launch vigorous mass movements; institute the system of cadre participation in productive labor and worker participation in management, of reform of irrational and outdated rules and regulations, and of close co-operation among cadres, workers and technicians; and going full steam ahead with technical innovations and the technical revolution.
This commentary by Mao is available online at: http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-8/mswv8_49.htm
An early mass semi-revolutionary movement of British workers which arose because of the bad economic conditions they suffered and their political disenfranchisement. Chartism was one of the earliest working class movements in the world. The Chartist movement began with (and takes its name from) the People’s Charter of 1838 which focused on voting rights. Only about 700,000 of Britain’s 25 million population at that time had the right to vote. The movement reached its peak in 1839, a year in which Britain came closer to social revolution than any time since the English Civil War, or any time since. There was mass rioting, a failed general strike, and actual insurrections in south Wales and northern England.
After this peak the movement continued at a lower level and lasted up to around 1850, and during that period it held numerous mass meetings and demonstrations. The movement fell apart, however, principally because it did not develop a steady and solid revolutionary leadership and because it lacked a clear-cut programme.
CHASI MULIA ADIVASI SANGHA (CMAS)
A militant but peaceful organization of adivasis, or tribal people, in the southwestern part of Orissa state in India. In particular the CMAS has struggled for the redistribution of land to the adivasis, and against illegal mining on their land by giant mining corporations. The CMAS has been accused by the police and media of being a front organization of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), and this was the “excuse” given by the police for murdering 3 adivasis (including a CMAS leader) at a demonstration led by CMAS in Narayanpatna, in southern Orissa, on November 20, 2009. However, the leadership of the CMAS is actually made up of some of the middle range of revolutionary forces in India, who have been trying to wage a peaceful struggle for the people. In an interview, one of these top CMAS leaders, Gananath Patra, explained their political ideology and strategy this way:
Satyabrata: The state has militarized itself. What will its effect
be on the movement?
Gananath Patra: We know very well that behind the military intervention of the State is its intention to militarize our movement in order to find a plea to brutally subjugate it. We know their intentions and we are careful about any move we shall be taking. The movement must continue.
Satyabrata: The CMAS is being projected as the frontal organization of the Maoists. Is that true?
Gananath Patra: You mean the CPI(Maoist). No. we have considerable differences with the CPI(Maoist) line, though they are our sympathizers and critics. I believe in Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought, which has considerable differences with the Maoism of the CPI(Maoist). Our method of occupying and cultivating land is mass line task and has nothing in common with the CPI(Maoist).
Satyabrata: Why are you being projected as Maoists then?
Gananath Patra: We pose a danger to the status quo the ruling class wants to maintain and hence it wants us to be branded as Maoists. Then the matter becomes simple; pick up anyone who is against this status quo, brand him a Maoist and rob him of his movemental potentiality by either putting him behind bars or by gunning him down. History has been spectator to this strategy of several States at several conjunctures in the past. The state has banned the CPI(Maoist) to facilitate this purpose. [From: “Narayanpatna: An Interview with Gananath Patra”, online at: http://sanhati.com/articles/1917/]
However, it seems that Gananath Patra has inadvertently put his finger on the fatal problem
with the CMAS political strategy: The state will simply not allow them to proceed with
their programme no matter how peaceful they are. They will simply be attacked and destroyed
by the armed forces of the Central and state governments of India. Peaceful strategies will
not work against governments willing to shoot you dead anyway.
In early December 2009 hundreds of adivasi people associated with CMAS surrendered to the police in what was falsely billed by the media as a large surrender of “Maoists”. Those are the alternatives facing the people there: abject surrender to the government and their perpetual victimization, or else a very different form of struggle involving the force of arms.
However, as of January 2010, it appears that either the CMAS organization, or part of it, or at least a large number of those who have been members of it, are moving rapidly towards the Maoists and the Maoist approach to revolution. See the news article “India Drives Tribals into Maoist Arms” for more information.
A “chattel” is an item of property other than real estate (i.e., other than land and buildings). So chattel slavery means the same thing as what we ordinarily just call slavery. However, the full term is useful since all forms of exploitive class society actually amount to slavery in a broad sense. In chattel slavery, the slaves are owned outright by the exploiting class (the slaveowners); in feudalism, the “slaves” (serfs) cannot be sold since they are tied to specific estates and land, but otherwise are almost the same as owned by the aristocracy (feudal landlords); in capitalism, the wage-slaves are not owned by individual capitalists, but rather they are in effect owned by the capitalist class as a whole. Each individual worker is usually free to quit working for one capitalist, but must then go to work for another in order to survive.
See also: SLAVE SOCIETY
1. Patriotism, expecially “excessive”, “blind” or absurdly exaggerated patriotism. Also called national chauvinism. (Named after Nicolas Chauvin, a character noted for his wild patriotism and fanatical devotion to Napoleon in the play La Cocarde tricolore (1831) by Théodore and Hippolyte Cogniard.)
2. Male chauvinism: Partiality towards, or promotion of the rights and privileges of men as compared with those of women.
3. Similar sorts of partiality and favoritism with regard to some other sub-set of humanity.
All forms of chauvinism favor the rights and privileges of one section of humanity above all the other sections. In bourgeois usage, ‘chauvinism’ means only excessive patriotism, or excessive concern for the rights and privileges of men relative to women, etc. But from the revolutionary Marxist point of view it is not just the “excessive” tendencies like this which are chauvinistic, but any such tendencies at all!
See: ERNESTO “CHE” GUEVARRA
CHERNOV, V. M. (1876-1952)
A leader and theoretician of the peasant-based Socialist-Revolutionary Party in Russia, and a bitter opponent of Marxism. He was a religious agnostic, and was highly eclectic in his views.
CHERNYSHEVSKY, Nikolai Gavrilovich (1828-1889)
A very important Russian revolutionary democrat who was the leader of the revolutionary movement in Russia during the 1860s. He was a utopian socialist, a materialist philosopher, a writer and a literary critic.
In philosophy, Chernyshevsky further developed Feuerbach’s materialist views and sought to revise Hegel’s dialectics in a materialist manner. His philosophy marked the high point of pre-Marxist materialist philosophy in Russia. However, as Lenin noted, “Chernyshevsky did not succeed in rising, or, rather, owing to the backwardness of Russian life, was unable to rise to the level of the dialectical materialism of Marx and Engels”.
CHIANG KAI-SHEK (New style: JIANG JIESHI) (1887-1975)
A reactionary Chinese military leader and political dictator who was eventually overthrown on the Chinese mainland by the Chinese Revolution in 1949. He then fled with the remnant of his army to Taiwan where he ruled as dictator until his death.
Chiang was an associate of Sun Yat-sen, the founder of the Guomindang [Kuomintang] or Nationalist Party, and assumed control of the GMD after Sun’s death in 1925. Chiang had been the commandant of the GMD’s Whampoa Military Academy, and had become the top GMD military leader. In 1928 he led the Northern Expedition (with considerable support from the Soviet Union and members of the Communist Party of China) which succeeded in displacing a number of warlords and in more or less unifying the country.
But Chiang then turned on the CCP which had been supporting him within the GMD, and massacred thousands of its members and sympathizers. Chiang led a pitifully inadequate nationalist resistence to Japan’s invasion of China during the 1930s. This gave an opening for the CCP, under Mao’s leadership, to wage a more determined fight against Japanese imperialism. Even during World War II Chiang spent considerable effort fighting the Communists (rather than Japan); but after the Japanese surrender he turned his full attention toward trying to wipe out the Communists in a major civil war. However, despite enormous material help from the U.S. (and only very limited help to the Communists from the Soviets) Chiang was defeated and fled to Taiwan.
On Taiwan he established martial law and ruled in his usual dictatorial manner. The GMD, at first with Chiang’s son in charge, continued to rule Taiwan for many years after his death, until bourgeois democracy was finally introduced there. Most of the hundreds of statues of Chiang on Taiwan that the GMD erected have been taken down and even there a majority looks back at him with complete disdain.
[To be added... ]
CHICANO / CHICANA
Terms referring to male (Chicano) or female (Chicana) people living in the United States, but orginally from Mexico or of Mexican heritage. Also sometimes spelled ‘Xicano’ or ‘Xicana’. For more information on the origin of these terms and their occasionally controversial usage, see the Wikipedia entry.
A massive demonstration and march by Chicanos and other Latinos against the Vietnam War which took place in East Los Angeles on August 29, 1970. Between 20,000 and 30,000 people marched and rallied that day. This was the largest single anti-war demonstration within the Chicano/Mexicano community during the Vietnam War, and was a powerful protest against the high number of Chicano deaths in the war. It was also a protest against the inequality and discrimination directed at Chicanos in the United States. The march and demonstration were peaceful, but the police used the excuse that there was a store robbery nearby (unrelated to the demonstration) to attack and break up the demonstration. Four people were killed by the police that day, including journalist Rubén Salazar, and more than 150 people were arrested.
This demonstration and other demonstrations and activities during that period were organized by the National Chicano Moratorium Committee, which was led by activists from local colleges and members of the Brown Berets organization.
CHILE — Military Coup of 1973
[Intro material to be added...]
Since Pinochet’s military dictatorship was overthrown, the government of Chile has gradually announced that more and more people were killed, tortured, or became political prisoners during that period. As of August 2011, the official victim list totals 40,018, though this probably still considerably understates the scope of these crimes. [S.F. Chronicle, 8/19/11, p. A2.]
CHINA — Air Pollution In
Contemporary capitalist China has by far the worst air pollution problem of any country in the world. It has become an extremely serious health hazard, with large numbers of people actually dying because of it, and many others developing serious sicknesses. Beijing itself is one of the worst-hit cities. As the New York Times reported (March 21, 2013), “A haze akin to volcanic fumes cloaked the capital, causing convulsive coughing and obscuring the portrait of Mao Zedong on the gate to the Forbidden City.”
This horrible smog in China comes primarily from the usual sources, air pollution by industry (especially coal-fired electrical plants) and from motor vehicles. Why doesn’t the Chinese ruling class deal with this problem more seriously? The answer, even more so than in other capitalist countries, is that this would harm the profits of the capitalist corporations (including the large state-owned enterprises—SOEs), and slow down China’s economic expansion. China is the most wide-open and wild capitalist country in the world today, and government regulations are weak (where they exist at all), and are often ignored with impunity even by the SOEs. However, this air pollution has become so bad that the bourgeois government itself is now being forced to make at least some real efforts to ease this notorious problem. While capitalism can never completely resolve such “externalities”, as improvements with regard to air pollution in Western countries show, even under capitalism this problem does not have to be as terrible as it presently is in China. And, after all, it harms not only the masses but also the ruling class itself.
CHINA — Capitalist Era [After Overthrow of Socialism]
[To be added...]
See also: “MASS INCIDENTS”
CHINA — Class Analysis Before 1949
“Those who possess a great deal of land, who do not themselves labor but depend entirely on exploiting the peasants through rent and usury, sustaining themselves without toiling—these are the landords. Those who own large amounts of land, plow animals and farm implements, who themselves take part in labor although at the same time they exploit the hired labor of peasants—these are the rich peasants. Those who have land, plow animals and farm implements, who labor themselves and do not exploit others, or do so only slightly—these are the middle peasants. Those who have only a small amount of land, farm implements and plow animals, who labor on their own land but at the same time have to sell a part of their labor power—these are the poor peasants. Those who have no land, plow animals, or farm implements and who must sell their labor powerthese are the hired laborers.” —Jen Pi-shih, Several Problems Regarding Land Reform (1948, in Chinese). Translated and included as an explanatory footnote in William Hinton, Fanshen: A Documentary of Revolution in a Chinese Village (1966), p. 27.
CHINA — Democratic Parties In
During the New Democratic revolutionary struggle for the liberation of China up until late 1949, and during the Maoist period after Liberation in 1949, there were a number of small bourgeois democratic parties which sided with the revolution and accepted the overall leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. These were often referred to in China as the “Democratic Parties”.
“Democratic Parties — This is a general term for the bourgeois
political parties in the revolutionary united front led by the working class and based on
the worker-peasant alliance. They include the Revolutionary Committee of the Kuomintang, the
China Democratic League, the China Democratic National Construction Association, the China
Association for Promoting Democracy, the Chinese Peasants and Workers Democratic Party, the
China Chih Kung Tang, the Chiu San Society, the Taiwan Democratic Self-Government League,
the Chineses People’s Association for National Salvation, the Federation of Comrades
Working for the Three People’s Principles and the Association for Promoting Democracy of
the Kuomintang. The last three were dissolved after the founding of the People’s Republic
of China because they had fulfilled their historical tasks.
“The social basis of these democratic parties is the national bourgeoisie, the upper stratum of the urban petty bourgeoisie and their intellectuals. During the new-democratic revolution led by the Chinese Communist Party, these parties co-operated with the Communist Party in varying degrees and in different periods. Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, they have participated in various political movements and rendered services to socialist construction.” —Note in Peking Review #1, Jan. 6, 1978, pp. 20-21.
CHINA — Hyperinflation In (1937-1949)
The corrupt and reactionary Chiang Kai-shek regime in China horribly mismanaged the nation’s economy, as well as the country in general. In order to pay for its enormously expensive war to try to put down the Revolution, it simply printed up ever more money. By late 1946 what had cost one yuan (the unit of Chinese money) in 1937 now cost 1 million yuan. By December 1947, it cost 16 million, and by the end of 1948, 21 billion yuan. In May of 1949, just before the final collapse of that government, the same purchase would have required 8.5 trillion yuan, perhaps the most extreme example of hyperinflation in world history!
The new revolutionary government led by Mao Zedong soon brought the situation under control, however. For some information on how this was done, see the pamphlet “Why China Has No Inflation” (Peking: 1976), by Peng Kuang-hsi, posted at: http://www.massline.org/PolitEcon/China/Inflation-pamphlet.htm
CHINA INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHING GROUP (CIPG)
The Chinese agency/corporation which has published foreign language publications since the foundation of the People’s Republic of China. CIPG was founded in January 1949, and opened what became the China International Bookstore in December 1949. It launched the Foreign Language Press in Beijing in July 1952. Here is a list of the magazines it publishes:
• People’s China — English bi-weekly magazine launched in January 1950. It later had editions in Russian, Japanese, Chinese, French and Indonesian. [We think only the Japanese edition continues to be published. The English language magazine continued at least to 1957, but its function was then evidently replaced by Peking Review and China Reconstructs.] Some issues of People’s China are available at: http://www.massline.org/PeoplesChina/index.htm
• El Popola Cinio [People’s China] — In Esperanto; launched in May 1950.
• China Pictorial — Launched in July 1950. This monthly English magazine eventually came to also have Russian, Indonesian, Korean, Japanese, French, Spanish, Vietnamese, German, Hindu, Indonesian, Arabic, Burmese, Swedish, Swahili, Italian, Urdu, Romanian, Thai, Mongolian, Tibetan, Uygur and Kazakhstan editions.
• Chinese Literature — The English edition began as a quarterly in October 1951, and by 1961 had become a monthly magazine. A quarterly French edition began later.
• China Reconstructs — Launched in English in January 1952; monthly magazine. (Renamed as China Today in 1990.) Other editions include simplified Chinese, traditional Chinese, Spanish, French, Arabic, Russian, German and Portuguese.
• Peking Review — Weekly English edition launched in March 1958, and renamed Beijing Review in January 1979. Editions in French, Spanish, Japanese and German began in March 1963. In the late 1970s an Arabic edition began, and later still editions in Indonesian and Portuguese were added. Hundreds of entire issues of the English language edition, along with hundreds of individual articles, are available at: http://www.massline.org/PekingReview/index.htm
CHINA — Principles of Aid to Other Countries (During the Maoist Era)
A series of principles consciously designed to be the very opposite of the guiding principles actually employed by imperialist countries such as the U.S. and the revisionist Soviet Union in their so-called “aid” to foreign countries.
“Eight Principles Guiding China’s Economic Aid to Other Countries
“From late 1963 to early 1964, Premier Chou En-lai [Zhou Enlai] toured 14 Asian, African and European countries on a friendly visit. During the tour, Premier Chou, following Chairman Mao’s consistent teachings, enunciated eight principles guiding China’s economic aid to other countries as follows:
“(1) The Chinese Government always bases itself on the principle of equality and mutual benefit in providing aid to other countries. It never regards such aid as a kind of unilateral alms but as something mutual.
“(2) In providing aid to other countries, the Chinese government strictly respects the sovereignty of the recipient countries, and never attaches any conditions or asks for any privileges.
“(3) China provides economic aid in the form of interest-free or low-interests loans and extends the time limit for the repayment when necessary so as to lighten the burden of the recipient countries as far as possible.
“(4) In providing aid to other countries, the purpose of the Chinese Government is not to make the recipient countries dependent on China but to help them embark step by step on the road of self-reliance and independent economic development.
“(5) The Chinese Government tries its best to help the recipient countries build projects which require less investment while yielding quicker results, so that the recipient governments may increase their income and accumulate capital.
“(6) The Chinese Government provides the best-quality equipment and material of its own manufacture at international market prices. If the equipment and material provided by the Chinese Government are not up to the agreed specifications and quality, the Chinese Government undertakes to replace them.
“(7) In giving any particular technical assistance, the Chinese Government will see to it that the personnel of the recipient country fully master such technique.
“(8) The experts dispatched by China to help in construction in the recipient countries will have the same standard of living as the experts of the recipient country. The Chinese experts are not allowed to make any special demands or enjoy any special amenities.” —Reference note in Peking Review, #48, Nov. 25, 1977, p. 28.
CHINA — Urbanization Of
In China in recent decades there has been a historically unprecented migration of hundreds of millions of people from rural areas to urban areas. As of 2012, more than half of the population in China now lives in cities.
A term used during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China to refer to the revisionist Liu Shaoqi (Liu Shao-chi), especially during the early years of the criticism directed against him when his name was not explicitly mentioned.
CHINESE EXCLUSION ACT OF 1882
A notoriously racist American law which barred practically all Chinese immigrants to the United States. It was the first federal law that explicitly banned a group of immigrants solely because of their race or nationality, and set a precedent for later restrictions on immigrants from Asia beginning in the early 1900s and from parts of Europe in the 1920s.
“Ought we to exclude them? The question lies in my mind thus: either the Anglo-Saxon race will possess the Pacific slope or the Mongolians will possess it.” —Senator James G. Blaine, of Maine, Feb. 14, 1879, in a racist diatribe against Asians while promoting the Chinese Exclusion Act. In a letter a week later Blaine called Chinese immigration “vicious,” “odious,” “abominable,” “dangerous,” and “revolting,... If as a nation we have the right to keep out infectious diseases, if we have the right to exclude the criminal classes from coming to us, we surely have the right to exclude that immigration which reeks with impurity and which cannot come to us without plenteously sowing the seeds of moral and physical disease, destitution, and death.” Quoted in Andrew Gyory, Closing the Gate: Race, Politics, and the Chinese Exclusion Act (1998). Blaine was twice the U.S. Secretary of State, and the Republican candidate for President in 1884.
CHINESE LANGUAGE — Romanization Of
There are two common systems for Romanizing Chinese names and words. The older of these is known as the Wade-Giles system, and the newer (and better) system is known as Pinyin. Pinyin was devised in China in the 1950s and came into virtually universal use in foreign-language publications published in China beginning on January 1, 1979. Most Western scholarship also switched over to Pinyin at about that same time. For historical reasons some Chinese names (such as Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek) are still commonly given in the older Wade-Giles system. Some other names, such as Mao Zedong, while usually given in Pinyin today, are also still encountered in Wade-Giles form: Mao Tse-tung. In this dictionary names are normally given in Pinyin, and the Wade-Giles version of the name is sometimes also added and described as “old style”.
Romanization of Chinese Names and Words |
|[Primary source: Colin Mackerras & Amanda Yorke, The Cambridge Handbook of Contemporary China, (Cambridge Univ. Press, 1991), p. ix.]|
CHINESE NATIONAL CHAUVINISM
See also: HAN CHAUVINISM [In China]
“China is a land with an area of 9,600,000 square kilometers and a
population of 600 million, and it ought to make a greater contribution to humanity.
But for a long time in the past its contribution was far too small. For this we are
“However, we should be modest—not only now, but forty-five years hence and indeed always. In international relations, the Chinese people should rid themselves of great-nation chauvinism resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and completely.” —Mao, “In Commemoration of Dr. Sun Yat-sen” (Nov. 12, 1956), SW 5:330-1.
CHINESE PEOPLE’S POLITICAL CONSULTATIVE CONFERENCE
“[The] organization of the Chinese people’s democratic united front
led by the Chinese Communist Party and uniting all the nationalities, democratic
parties and people’s organizations in China as well as overseas Chinese and other
patriotic democrats. It was also called the New Political Consultative Conference as
distinguished from the Political Consultative Conference the Kuomintang was forced to
convene in January 1946.
“A preparatory meeting for the New Political Consultative Conference was held in Peiping (Peking) in June 1949. It adopted the ‘Organic Rules of the Preparatory Committee of the New Political Consultative Conference’ and elected a Standing Committee headed by Chairman Mao.
“In September that year, the New Political Consultative Conference held its first plenary session which exercised the functions and powers of the National People’s Congress. It enacted the Organic Law of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, the Common Programme of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and the Organic Law of the Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China, elected the Central People’s Government Council of the People’s Republic of China headed by Chairman Mao, and proclaimed the founding of the People’s Republic of China.
“With the convacation of the First Session of the First National People’s Congress in September 1954, the C.P.P.C.C. ceased to exercise the functions and powers of the National People’s Congress, but remained an organization of the Chinese people’s democratic united front.” —Note in Peking Review, #1, Jan. 6, 1978, p. 20.
[To be added...]
See also: MAO ZEDONG, AI SIQI, FENG YU-LAN, YANG CHU
CHINESE RED ARMY
The original name of the revolutionary army led by the Communist Party of China in the early days of the Chinese Revolution. The Chinese Red Army (which became the Eighth Route and New Fourth Armies during the War of Resistance Against Japan and then later became the People’s Liberation Army) was created on August 1, 1927, during the Nanchang Uprising.
One major part of the Chinese Red Army was the Fourth Army. In December 1929 the Communist leadership of this Fourth Army held a Party Conference at Kutien Village, which adopted Mao’s resolution On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the Party. This resolution summed up experience and enabled the Red Army to build itself on a Marxist-Leninist basis and eliminate the influences of armies of the old type. It marked the transformation not only the Fourth Army, but also soon of the entire Chinese Red Army, into a genuine people’s army.
See also: “SANWAN REORGANIZATION”
CHINESE REVOLUTIONARY ART
See: RENT COLLECTION COURTYARD
CHOMSKY, Noam (1928- )
Famous American linguist and political radical, who is known very widely for both things. He is perhaps the most prominent American intellectual who regularly speaks out against United States imperialism. Politically he is variously described as an anarchist, an anarcho-syndicalist, or a libertarian socialist. He is surprisingly weak when it comes to political theory and political economy, but quite often effective in criticizing American foreign policy.
Chomsky is one of the most famous linguists in history, and his contributions starting in the 1950s are now known as the “Chomskyian Revolution” in that branch of science.
In the 1950s, Chomsky began developing his theory of generative grammar, which has undergone numerous revisions and has had a profound influence on linguistics. His approach to the study of language emphasizes “an innate set of linguistic principles shared by all humans” known as universal grammar, “the initial state of the language learner,” and discovering an “account for linguistic variation via the most general possible mechanisms.” He also established the Chomsky hierarchy, a classification of formal languages in terms of their generative power. In 1959, Chomsky published a widely influential review of B. F. Skinner’s theoretical book Verbal Behavior, which was the first attempt by a behaviorist to provide a functional, operant analysis of language. In this review and other writings, Chomsky broadly and aggressively challenged the behaviorist approaches to studies of behavior dominant at the time, and contributed to the cognitive revolution in psychology. His naturalistic approach to the study of language has influenced the philosophy of language and mind. [From the “Chomsky” entry at Wikipedia.com]
Chomsky first became known as a critic of American foreign policy during the Vietnam War.
He has published a large number of books which expose the day-to-day activities and outrages of
American imperialism in detail. Indeed, sometimes these books are a bit dull because of all their
many details and extensive source notes! But his writings are a good source for particulars about
the actual role of the United States in the world today. Chomsky has also given many extensive
interviews (a number of which have been published in book form), and gives frequent public
lectures on political matters (many of which are available as videos on the Internet).
Chomsky describes himself as a libertarian socialist, which he says is “the proper and natural extension of classical liberalism into the era of advanced industrial society.” [“Government in the Future” (1970)] The surprising thing, however, is how very non-radical his political ideas are when you look at them carefully! He seems to think that American politics is “democratic”, or has mostly been so far (even if there are now growing “limitations” to that “democracy”. He has no deep theoretical criticism of bourgeois democracy, of the sort that Lenin did. When it comes to political economy, his ideas are even more startling! He actually said in a recent video that contemporary American corporations can be “democratized” and thus be transformed to serve the people. He has little or no understanding of Marxist political economy, and doesn’t even understand something as basic as the nature of surplus value. Thus, like many liberals, he thinks the cause of the current economic crisis is the foolishness of the banks in creating and promoting sub-prime mortgages and securities based on them, and doesn’t even begin to understand that capitalist economic crises are inherent in capitalism, and ultimately arise from the very extraction of surplus value!
Chomsky’s contributions to linguistics are important (though not always completely correct), as are his constant criticisms of American foreign policy. But his theoretical writings and lectures on politics and economics are of little value. He is called an “anarchist”, and even wrote a book promoting his idea of what anarchism is. But actually he is proof of how pedestrian and non-revolutionary anarchism can sometimes be! He is really only proposing that we make some rather limited and superficial modifications to the American bourgeois socioeconomic system that in fact deserves to be completely destroyed and reconstructed from the ground up.
See: ZHOU ENLAI
[To be added... ]
See also: COMMUNISM—Among Early Christians
CHURCHILL, Winston (1874-1965)
Famous British politician and imperialist leader. He had a very long history of leadership of the capitalist state against the interests of both the British peoples and—even more outrageously—against the people in the British colonies and elsewhere in the world. However, he is viewed as a national hero by the ruling class in Britain (especially for his leadership role in World War II), and as a “great world leader” by both the bourgeoisie and numerous misled people in other countries. There is much work still to do to more fully expose him as a vicious enemy of the people of the world.
See also: FAMINES—Imperialist Caused
“We [the British] are not a young people with an innocent record and a scanty inheritance... We have engrossed to ourselves an altogether disproportionate share of the wealth and traffic of the world. We have got all we want in territory, and our claim to be left in the unmolested enjoyment of vast and splendid possessions, mainly acquired by violence, largely maintained by force, often seems less reasonable to others than to us.” —Winston Churchill, a comment to his British Cabinet colleagues in January 1914; quoted in John Darwin, The Empire Project (Cambridge, 2010), p. 268.
Dictionary Home Page and Letter Index
MASSLINE.ORG Home Page